Women participation in Local Government (UP): A study of rural Bangladesh.

Women participation in Local Government (UP):  A study of rural Bangladesh.

Abstract:

Women empowerment or participation in governing process through gender sensitive particular policies are prerequisite for achieving meaningful development in any developing country such as Bangladesh. This particular issue has been recognized as such in the context of policy reforms in both governmental and local government domain. Recent local government reform in Bangladesh has led to creation of quota for women in grassroots independent institutions (Khan and Fardaus, 2006). In the context of local government, women’s concerns had risen irregularly and were emphasized in the government transformation agenda as evident in the last Local Government Reform of 1997 (Khan and Fardaus 2006). As a momentous effect, Local Government (UP) Amendment Act 1997 was broadcasted. It provides 3 directly elected women members in the Union Parishad from 3 reserved seats (Khan and Fardaus, 2006). However, there are serious gaps in gender balancing both in terms of governance policy and reform agenda. Union Parishad is the most popular democratic institution at the grassroots level. Therefore, the state of women’s participation at this level is vital and deserves special attention to empower them as participation and empowerment are closely related. Otherwise, sustainable as well as participatory development would not ensure. In this paper, I am going to explore the real scenario in gender perspective development in the local government arena.

Key words: UP (Union Parishad), Women, Empowerment, Gender, Livelihood, Human Rights, Rural Society.

I. Introduction:

What is development and who are participating in this process? It is question of a country’s strength and self-respect as well as sustainability. The overall development of a country depends upon the maximum deployment of her people, both men and women. In Bangladesh, women consist of nearly half of the total population it proved from 2011 consensus primary report by BIDS. However, the status of women is much lower than that of men in every scope of life. Women are identified with domestic life while politic is viewed as a male-dominated public action that is typically male in nature. With the progression of time, the facts have now been recognized that without ensuring women development, the national development cannot be achieved and or not sustainable. Women’s equal participation in political life plays a pivotal role in the general process of the advancement of women. It is not only a demand for simple justice or democracy but can also be seen as a necessary condition for women’s interests to be taken into account. Without the active participation of women and the incorporation of women’s standpoint at all levels of decision-making, the goals of equality, development and peace cannot be achieved. (FWCW, 1995)

Systematic integration of women enhances the democratic basis, the efficiency, and the quality of the activities of local government. If local government is to meet the needs of both women and men, it must build on the experiences of both women and men, through an equal representation at all levels and in all fields of decision-making, covering the wide range of responsibilities of local governments. Women’s role in decision-making is one of the most important questions for consideration in the movement for their empowerment. Keeping in mind, the importance of women’s participation in decision-making, like the other government in the world, the government of Bangladesh has initiated efforts to widen the scope of women for participation in the development process. The Local Government (Union Parishad) Second Amendment Act 1997 of Bangladesh is a milestone towards ensuring women’s equal access and increased participation in political power structures. This amendment provided for direct elections to reserved seats for women in local level elections. As a strategy of affirmative action for providing the structural framework for women’s participation in political decision-making and provided an opportunity to bring women to the center of local development and develop new grass-roots level leadership. This paper is an attempt to explore the status of women’s participation and how their participation in local government lead to empowerment in local government in Bangladesh particularly the Union Parishad and will identify the factors that hinder women’s participation. At the same time in this paper I shall be suggested some remedial measures to inspire this situation as well as overcome.

On the other hand, human civilization from its dawn has propagated with the integrative role of women in the society. Women have always been obviously working as a vital agent of social cohesion and development in all societies. The role they naturally perform at home and in society are crucial. However, women are the world’s largest vulnerable extended group. Even though they make up half of the adult population often contributing to society within and outside the family they are frequently excluded from the position of power. Of the world’s total poor people, 70% are women. Women are mostly excluded from due in the third world. In Bangladesh, women constitute half of the population and bulk of them live under poverty line. Irrespective of class, religion, caste, color and creed women are left in a state of isolation exposing the society to disruption and collapse (Ahmed, Shafi and Nabi, Bela, 2001). Lack of women participation in power and decision-making is gravely liable for this state. Participation of women in the national as well as in local government is called for as an encounter. Local Government bodies are a subsystem of national government. Women’s involvement and representation in these bodies are essential from all points of view.

Equally important is that local government provides a training ground for political education that can help local politicians for future in national politics of the country. The Five Year Plans of Bangladesh also iterate policies for women development (Akhter and Chowdhury 2005). Women members in the Union Parishad (UP), the focal point of local government in the rural areas of Bangladesh, are for the first time elected directly in the reserved seats. This has opened an avenue for women to participate in power and decision making process with their own agenda at the grassroots. Though this participation is in some cases to some extent barred, it provides for maintaining the mosaic of interests in a pluralistic society resulting in social integration (Jahan & Momtaz, 1997). Building a cohesive community requires spirit and enthusiasm among the divisive forces affiliated to various segments and groups to provide for consolidated efforts and cooperation. Institutional structure has to be capable of cohering isolated groups and has to possess the correlative attributes of specialization and coordination.

II. Particular purposes of the study:

In this paper examines how women participation in local government yields social integration, the sine liberation of a harmonious society in the rural areas of Bangladesh. It endeavors to authenticate that in a complex rural society with inherent contradictions in role relationship social dismantling takes place as a manifestation of inter-group hostility, i.e. struggle for position and prominence amounting to social disorganization. Facing this situation depends on the ability of institutional arrangement. The particular purposes of the study are to see in relationships of women participation: i) the institutional capacity of the UP; and ii) government of social incorporation in the pastoral community.

The broad objective of the study is to determine the socio-economic outline of the elected women leaders in the rural local government i.e. Union Parishad. In specific terms, the objectives of the study are:

i) To appraise the procedures and programmes of containing females in the local government;

ii) To examine the socio-economic physiognomies of the elected women members;

iii) To identify complications confronted by the women members in performing their statutory activities and

iv) To suggest ways and means to solve those problems.

III. Methodological approaches of the study:

This study is based on both secondary and primary data. The secondary data is collected by referring numerous documents such as research reports, periodicals, gazette notifications, journal articles and so on in rural local government system. Furthermore, some rare publications of the World Bank and different foreign universities were consulted for further clarification of the issue. The data collected from primary sources entirely based on interviews of hundred and forty nice women representatives of Barisal, Chittagong, Dhaka, Khulna, Rajshahi, and Sylhet Divisions who undertook training at the Bangladesh Academy for Rural Development (BARD) during 2002-2003 financial years. The training course was organized under a research project on “Participation of Women in Local Government Institution”, funded by UNDP in which women members of Union Parishad all over the country participated. Owed to time and fund constraints, only representatives of the three divisions were interviewed in the study. Among the respondents twenty-two from Barisal Division, twenty-nine from Chittagong Division, thirty-five were from Dhaka Division, nineteen from Khulna Division, thirty from Rajshahi Division, and fourteen from Sylhet Division. The Opinions of the respondents were obtained borough a structured questionnaires and there processed and analyzed by using simple statistical tools in the light of the objectives of the study.

IV. Operational definition of women:

A “woman” is a mature female human being, as analogized to men, a grownup male, and a teenager, a female child. The term woman used to entitle biological sex differences, ethnic gender role divisions, or both (Wikimedia, 2005:1). Women constitute about half of the total population of the country proved by 2011 primary data source of BIBS. Separately from the domestic accomplishments, they are contributing significantly to the domestic economy. Bangladesh is one of the first developing countries to establish a Ministry of Women’s Affairs in 1978, three years after the First World Conference on Women in Mexico. In spite of these attainments, the popular of women in Bangladesh have yet to be empowered to join actively in the social, cultural, economic, and political life of the country. Gender discrimination is common in all domains and at all levels nevertheless, the Constitution of Bangladesh [Article 27, 28(1), 28(2), 28(3), and 65(3)] guarantees equal rights to all citizens clearly incorporated provisions for equal status of women. The strategies and programs of the Government, NGOs, and other institutions do not satisfactorily discourse the requirement for women’s empowerment (ADB, 2001:1).

V. Why and how to Participation:

Participation is a development approach, which recognizes the need to involve disadvantaged segments of the population in the design and implementation of policies concerning their wellbeing. The strengthening of women’s participation in all provinces of life has become a major issue in the development discourse. Socio-economic development cannot be fully achieved without the active participation of women at the decision making level in society. Various scholars define ‘Participation’ in various ways. Norman Up Hoff (quoted in Khan1993:111) identified four main kinds of participation, which are distinct but interrelated. They are as follows:

“a. Participation in decision making in identifying problems, formulating alternative planning activities, allocating resources etc;

b. Participation in implementation in carrying out activities, managing, and operating programs;

c. Participation in economic, social, political or other benefits individually or collectively; and

d. Participation in evaluation of the activity and its outcomes for feedback purposes.”

According to Mishra (1984:88), “participation means collective and continuous efforts by the people themselves in setting goals, pooling resources together and taking actions which aim at improving their living conditions,” S. Rahman (1991:3) has stated that all forms of actions through which citizens take part in the operation of management may be termed as ‘participation’. According to Human Development Report, “participation means that people are closely involved in the economic, social, cultural, and political process that affects their lives” (1993:1). The ‘Participation’ has two sides like a coin a narrow and wider meaning. In a contracted sense, participation means some specific action by which the citizen participates for a limited purpose. In addition, in a wider sense participation refers to the role of members of the public as distinguished from that of appointed officials, including civil servants, in influencing the activities of government or in providing directly for community needs (Rahman, 1991:14-15).

VI. Women Empowerment: Why and how to ensure it?

Political participation in Bangladesh also requires massive financial involvement. In addition, because of this ‘money politics’ women are discouraged to make them involve in politics. Many women who decide to participate in elections are forced by prevailing political culture to spend huge amount of money. Women in Bangladesh are mainly economically dependent on their male family members. If they participate in elections with the financial help of those males, they have to return the favor by giving ‘preferential or special treatment’ (even in spite of that special treatment is wrong) if they win in that election. In Bangladesh, the existing patriarchal system reinforces women’s dependency on men and men have strong reservations regarding women in leadership and management positions. Patriarchal values and institutions here do not demonstrate positive and supportive views about women leadership. Though Bangladesh has two women leaders in two dominant positions in the politics of the country, they are actually the ‘toy of man’, any male influences all of their decisions and they seldom take any decision according to their wish. Conventionally, in a patriarchal society like ours, women are always identified with domestic life while politics is viewed as a male-dominated public activity. Even after the completion of the UN declared Women’s Decade (1976-85), politics in Bangladesh remains male-dominated with respect to number, position in the party hierarchy, presence, and effectiveness in the national legislature and other political structures or whatever other criteria are set for measuring the extent of participation in this particular activity. Presence of women in the national parliament does not really reflect the level of political consciousness of the women of the country. The condition of women’s participation in local level politics is sometimes more acute than national politics. Women’s involvement in the political process at the local level is needed to make them familiar with the problems of the local community in general and women’s needs and issues in particular. The activities of the local level women politicians, their constant contact, and interaction with the women of the local community go a long way in raising the political consciousness of women around them.

Local level government plays an influential role in grass-root level development through responding on local needs. Local government means an intra-sovereign governmental unit within the sovereign state dealing mainly with local affairs, administered by local authorities and subordinate to the state government (Jahan, 1997:92). According to the Article 59(1) of the Constitution of Bangladesh, “Local Government in every administrative unit of the Republic shall be entrusted to bodies, composed of persons elected in accordance with law. Union Parishad is the lowest layer of local government was made subservient to the upazila Parishad (Banglapedia). According to LG (UP) Ordinance, 1983, ‘union’ means ‘a rural area’ declared to be a union under Section 3 (Declaration of union and alteration of limits thereof) [GOB, 1990:2-3)]. It is entrusted with forty functions. The main functions include public welfare, maintenance of law and order, revenue collection, development and adjudication. Its source of income includes grants, taxes, rates, fees etc. According to the Local Government (Union Parishad) Ordinance of 1983, Union Parishad consists of a chair, nine members, and three women members. Candidates for open seats can be male or female but because of being highly patriarchal society, those who are elected from the open seats are mainly male. The UP structure in Bangladesh includes a system designed to guarantee some degree of female representation by including additional three seats as reserved for female candidates. Participation of women in local government bodies is a crucial factor for women’s development, particularly at grassroots level.

As Union Parishad is considered as an important area for empowering, mobilizing and transforming local people for their development so from that aspect the Local Government (Union Parishad) Second Amendment Act 1997 of Bangladesh can be seen as a milestone towards ensuring women’s equal access and increased participation in political power structures. This amendment provided direct elections to reserved seats for women in local level elections. As a strategy of affirmative action for providing the structural framework for women’s participation in political decision-making and provided an opportunity to bring women to the center of local development and develop new grass-roots level leadership. But the number of women in elective positions of chairperson and members in the Union Parishad was horribly low and practically infinitesimal even after three seats are reserved for women candidates as women elected from reserved seats are feeling lack of institutional support and they are often not be able to include themselves in mainstream activities and even their responsibilities are sometimes not clarified clearly. Even those who are elected as chair or general member are often neglected in times of decision-making only because of being woman.

Empowerment is a process, though the result of the process may also be termed empowerment. However, more specifically, the outcome of empowerment should manifest itself as a redistribution of power between individuals, genders, groups, classes, castes, races, ethnic groups, or nations. Empowerment means the transformation of structures of subordination, through radical changes in law, property rights, control over women’s labor and bodies, and the institutions that reinforce and perpetuate male domination (Batliwala, 1993:5). Empowerment of women is now a global issue. Although this term is usually used for improving women’s condition, in real sense it may be applied to any disadvantaged group of society for bringing them to the same level of advanced section. The Copenhagen Declaration of the World Summit on Social Development (WSSD) called for the recognition that empowering people, particularly women, to strengthen their own capacities is a main objective of development, and that empowerment requires the full participation of people in the formulation, implementation and evaluation of decisions determining the functioning and well-being of societies. The Report of the UN Fourth World Conference on Women called its Platform for Action ‘an agenda for women’s empowerment’ meaning that ‘the principle of shared power and responsibility should be established between women and men at home, in the workplace and in the wider national and international communities’ (Oxaal, and Baden, 1997:3).

VII. The concept of gender institutionalization:

Institutionalizing the gender perspective is the process of assessing the implications for women and men of any premeditated action, including legislation, policies or programmes, in all areas and at all levels. It is a strategy for making women's as well as men's concerns and experiences an fundamental dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all political, economic and societal domains so that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not disseminated. The ultimate goal is to achieve gender equality. The United Nation has already sets some principle for gender mainstreaming, in their language are stated below:

“Principles for mainstreaming a gender perspective in the United Nations system

ü  Issues across all areas of activity should be defined in such a manner that gender differences can be diagnosed - that is, an assumption of gender- neutrality should not be made.

ü  Responsibility for translating gender mainstreaming into practice is system- wide and rests at the highest levels. Accountability for outcomes needs to be monitored constantly. "Gender mainstreaming also requires that every effort be made to broaden women's participation at all levels of decision-making.

ü  Gender mainstreaming must be institutionalized through concrete steps, mechanisms and processes in all parts of the United Nations system.

ü  Gender mainstreaming does not replace the need for targeted, women-specific policies and programmes or positive legislation, nor does it substitute for gender units or focal points.

ü  Clear political will and the allocation of adequate and, if need be, additional human and financial resources for gender mainstreaming from all available funding sources are important for the successful translation of the concept into practice.”

a.      Increased Capacity of Mechanisms to Mainstream Gender

Plans and policies to advance women’s empowerment and/or to attain gender equality have been formulated and serve as the framework against which to mobilize other social sectors. The plans may be enforced as ministerial decrees or as legislation. In a number of countries, the plan for gender equality is part of the overall national development plan, which should hasten the process of incorporating these goals in the different sectoral concerns of government.

1. Mainstreaming Gender in National Development Plans

2. Mainstreaming gender through increasing the authority of national women machineries

3. Resource materials to facilitate gender mainstreaming

4. Mainstreaming gender through gender budgets

b.      Inclusive and Holistic Approaches to the Promotion of Gender Equality

Strategies for promoting gender equality have become more inclusive and holistic. The structural nature of the national mechanisms is indicative of this, when they radiate downward to include activities at the lowest levels, or horizontally in relation to government programmes across a broad array of national concerns. As a result, a more diverse set of players have a voice in this process. The formation of gender focal points and inter-agency committees at varying levels of governance has been an important instrument for the realization of the goals of policies and plans for women and/or gender equality. This is because they facilitate the integration of a country’s gender policies into diverse spheres of governance. At the same time, the mobilization of more actors for the promotion of gender equality increases the likelihood of success and accountability. The challenge here is to ensure that gender focal points, committees, parliamentarians, civil society, media, scholars and other stakeholders fully understand the issues addressed, agree on strategies for their solutions and collaborate in positive ways for the implementation of laws and policies.

c.      Gender Focal Points

Gender focal points in different levels of government, act as support mechanisms to national machineries for women, are an important instrument for the realization of the goals of policies and plans for women, and gender equality. They coordinate planning and the implementation of policies and selected strategies across government bureaucracy. At the same time, they serve as consultative mechanisms, linking national plans downward to lower levels of governance and constituent groups, while being accountable upward to the national machinery for the implementation and monitoring of plans. For instance, may countries maintain a multi-level network of focal points with different responsibilities, as follows:

Office for Workers, Youth and Women under the Standing Committee of National People’s Congress receives and studies reports on development of women and children;

Working Group of Women and Children under the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference accepts proposals on protection of women and children;

National Joint Committee for Protecting Women and Children’s Legal Rights under the Standing Committee of National People’s Congress investigates implementation of relevant laws and strengthens interdepartmental coordination and cooperation Contrary to China’s system of a multi-level network of gender focal points, Bangladesh only maintains two gender focal points in its governmental structure, one in the executive arm and one in the legislative arm of Government:

The Women in Development focal points in the Planning Commission consists of 96 members, coordinated by the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs;

The Department of Women Affairs implements different programmes to empower women at the grassroots level in 64 districts and 396 Upazillas;

The Parliamentary Standing Committee for Women assists in the formulation of national policies; encourages discussion, cooperation and collaboration among the members of Parliament on matters related to women’s affairs and gender equality; and organizes dialogues at the constituency level on the implementation of gender and development projects. As such, it has links to two gender focal points on the central level, and gender focal points functioning at lower levels of governance:

Gender Mainstreaming Action Groups that lend support to gender focal points in line ministries

Government Donor Consultative Committee that promotes aid effectiveness to produce a streamlined and harmonized approach to sector level planning and its implementation. The Chief Gender Equality Promotion Offices at the ministerial level and the gender focal points at the departmental level.

VIII. CEWDA Declaration:

The Convention defines discrimination against women as "...any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basis of equality of men and women, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field." States parties also agree to respond appropriately against all forms of traffic in women and exploitation of women. Countries that have ratified or acceded to the Convention are legally bound to put its provisions into practice. They are also committed to submit national reports, at least every four years, on measures they have taken to comply with their treaty obligations. Therefore, it can be said that empowerment means a process to establish control over resources and means to acquire ability and opportunity to participate in decision-making process and its implementation. However, if we review the practices in Bangladesh as per CEDAW convention is not following and or not is ensured or sometime avoided as a masculine practices.

IX. Local Government

Local government is an organized social entity with a feeling of oneness. By definition, local government means an intra-sovereign governmental unit within the sovereign state dealing mainly with local affairs, administered by local authorities and subordinate to the state government (Jahan, 1997:92). In political terms, it is concerned with the governance of a specific local area, constituting a political sub-division of a nation, state or other major political unit. In the performance of its functions, it acts as the agent of the state. In other words, the local government is an integral part of the political mechanism for governance in a country. Then, as body corporate with juristic person, it represents a legal concept (Muttalib and Khan, 1983:2). According to the article 59(1) of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, “Local Government in every administrative unit of the Republic shall be entrusted to bodies, composed of persons elected in accordance with law” (GOB, 1993:43).

Union Parishad is the lowest tier of administrative unit in Bangladesh. In addition, Union Parishad is the second tier of rural local government from below. As per the statutes at present Bangladesh contains a four-tier local government structure. However, in compliance to the constitutional provision an elected local government body exists only at the union level. According to LG (UP) Ordinance, 1983, ‘union’ means ‘a rural area’ declared a union under section 3 (Declaration of union and alteration of limits thereof) [GOB, 1990:2-3)]. It is entrusted with forty functions. The main functions include public welfare, maintenance of law and order, revenue collection, development and adjudication. Its source of income includes grants, taxes, rates, fees etc. The Union Parishad consists of a chairperson, nine members, and three women members. The voters of the Union Parishad directly elect all.

a. Electoral process

Although women do not hold key positions during the electoral process, they render significant contributions during election campaigns by taking part in organizing public meetings, processions, and rallies. Women leaders and party workers engage in the task of mobilizing and canvassing voters, particularly women, for their party candidates. By making special arrangements such as separate election booths for women, and females presiding as polling officers, the turnout rate of women voters has increased. During the general elections of 1991 and 1996, and local level elections in 1993 and 1997, the level of enthusiasm among women to exercise their voting rights was very encouraging. Because of the special arrangements and security measures taken by the Government, there were few disturbances and the presence of women in polling centers was significant.

X. Women are involved in Local Government of Bangladesh:

Women were first time elected to local bodies in 1973. The Union Parishad Election of 1997 is a milestone in the history of political empowerment of women in Bangladesh. The Government of Bangladesh enacted a law for direct elections to reserve seats for women in local level elections. In 1997 through an Act, the Government reserved three seats for women in the union Parishad where women members are elected from each of the three respective wards. Apart from the reserved seats, women can also contest for any of the general seats. Previously, the process of selection of the women representatives was based on nominations and/or indirect election. Around 12,828 women were elected as members in the 1997 local level elections. A total of 20 and 110 women were elected as chairpersons and members, respectively, for general seats. The Government has already issued different executive orders to ensure women members’ participation in various decision-making committees.

The majority of women representatives regularly attended Parishad meetings, but only a few of them participated in the deliberations and decisions. The female representatives usually involved themselves with mass education, family planning, immunization, handicrafts, relief activity, and Shalish (mediation in the village court). The women representatives have the potentials to become change agents for rural women and various NGOs. A few government institutions such as the National Institute of Local Government are training women on various development-related issues, legal aid, and organizational structure of local bodies and their roles and functions to enable them play their role effectively.

XI. Evolution of Local Government in Bangladesh

It is usually assumed that local government was the basic form of government in the sub-continent until 6th century B.C. Village self-government in the sub-continent is as old as the villages themselves (Siddiqui, 1994:24). Therefore, Local Government of one sort or another has a long history in the geographical area that now constitutes Bangladesh. This country was a colony of the British for about two hundred years. Most of the local government bodies in Bangladesh owe their origin to the British rule, which ultimately passed through the Pakistan period to independent Bangladesh. The origin of Union Parishad can be traced back to the Village Panchayets introduced in the 1870s by the British to maintain law and order in the rural areas with the help of local people. More than one hundred and thirty years have passed since the creation of the act and local government at union level over the years have changed its name, area, functions and power from time to time. Still it is the only and oldest democratic institutions in the history of Bengal. The introduction of local government in British Bengal goes back to the passing of the Bengal Village Chowkidari Act of 1870, which established Chowkidari Panchayet consisted of five persons all nominated by the District Magistrate. Subsequently the Local Self-government Act, 1885 and the Village Self-government Act, 1919 are some principal instruments that led to the development of the present local government in Bangladesh. In the Pakistan period, the Act of 1959 introduced a new local government system called the Basic Democracy System in the East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). During the British and Pakistan period, the local government at the union level not only had changed its name several times but also its functional jurisdiction and financial powers were widened (Ahmed and Nabi, 2001:3). The constitution of independent Bangladesh was adopted in late 1972, where in Article 59 provided for elected local government institutions at all levels (Ali, 1986:2). The P.O. of 1973 changed the name of Union Panchayet to Union Parishad without any significant changes in its character. Since then the Union Parishad is acting as the lowest administrative unit of rural local government in Bangladesh. Recently the Gram Sarkar Act of 2003 has introduced Gram Sarkar as an associate unit of the Union Parishad instead of an independent local government body. It would help to speed up the pace of development in the rural areas under the guidance of Union Parishad (UNESCAP, 2003:6). There are at present two types of local government institutions in Bangladesh: one for rural areas and the other for urban areas. The local government in rural areas comprises four tiers, i.e., Gram Sarkar, Union Parishad, Upazilla Parishad, and Zilla Parishad. On the other hand, local government in the urban areas consists of Pourashavas and City Corporations.

1. Power or regime practices in Union Parishad:

Under the constitution of local government the power practices is very much top down approach where the Chairman is the highly empowered person because of male dominating culture is continuing from the British regime.

Diagram-1: Power practices in LG (UP)

If we go through the above diagram than it would be understood that the women participation in local government to follow the constitutional provision only. Most of the cases we found the women are socially excluded, politically vulnerable and victim by male hegemony because they are women by born. The male member of UP do not like to women participation in local government because they think women’s capacity not enough and or contemporary as a member of UP. This perception is contradictory with the constitution of Bangladesh, but regularly practicing this masculine domination. Therefore, it is really we have to believe that women economic and educational empowerment can helps them strong participation in local government regime. Otherwise, they can participate only for participation, nothing else.

XII. Constitutional Provision:

The Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh recognizes basic and fundamental rights of the citizens irrespective of gender, creed, cast, religion, and race. It also makes provision for promoting causes of the backward sections of the population (Ahmed et al, 2003:14). Related articles of the constitution regarding women’s participation may be seen in the following sentences.

Article 9: The State shall encourage local government institutions composed of representatives of the areas concerned and in such institutions special representation shall be given, as far as possible, to peasants, workers, and women.

Article 10: Steps shall be taken to ensure participation of women in all spheres of national life.

Article 19 (1): The State shall endeavor to ensure equality of opportunity to all citizens.

Article 27: All citizens are equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law.

Article 28 (1): The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth. (2): Women shall have equal rights with men in all spheres of the State and of public life. (4): Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making special provision in favor of women or children or for the advancement of any backward section of citizens (GOB, 1993:9, 13, 19).

By incorporating the above articles, the constitution gives special attention to women in democracy and local government. The nation puts no legislative barrier in the way of promoting gender equity in the sphere of social, political, and economic activities. The constitution gives guarantee of equal rights to women and makes special provision for providing all necessary protections to backward sections of the society.

1. Cabinet and Public Services

Although two women Prime Ministers have headed the Government during the last six years and the leaders of the opposition in Parliament were women, this does not reflect the gender composition of participation and decision making at the highest policy level. At the ministerial level, women’s representation has never risen above 3 percent. Before 1996, women were never given full responsibility over any important ministry. Apart from being Prime Minister, others were state or deputy ministers responsible for insignificant ministries such as Culture, Social Welfare, and Women. Currently one woman Minister, who had become a Member of Parliament in 1991 and 1996 through direct elections, is responsible for a ministry, i.e., Agriculture. Another woman minister is responsible for the Ministry of Forest and Environment.

2. The Legislative issues for women empowerment:

As women comprises about 50% population of Bangladesh, for economic development of the country as a whole, the role of women and their participation in the process of socio-political and economic uplift is imperative.

Bangladesh is carrying the legacy of the backwardness of the women as a suppressed and exploited class which is found to happen during the centuries down in the history due to the evolution of vested interested of a male dominant society although long back in history of Bengal, women had dominant as well as equal social status in the beginning of the agrarian society.

However, given the situation of the present, there are several socio- political issues, which need to be addressed gradually to empower the women in Bangladesh to enhance their participation in the socio- political and economic activity.

Although the constitution of Bangladesh has envisaged equal right of women side by side with men, but the real environment is not up to that which gives women to be able to exercise equal right against men in the present socio-economic conditions. The worse example is that, in some Unions in the country side, due to serious inflict of stigma, even during even the national elections the women are not allowed to visit the polling centers and cast their vote through secret ballot to their chosen candidate.

First, if we look into the statistics, we would find that comparatively the participation of the girl children attending schools to undertake formal education is very poor. The consciousness in the society in this respect is inflicted with several stigmas. Except in a very small section of the society in the urban area, the vast majority of the urban poor and generally in the rural area, a girl child is severely neglected in the family as far as the question of formal education being required as the fundamental right of a citizen as has been inspired in the constitution of Bangladesh, because it is generally considered by the male head of the family that education was not much necessary for the girl child, because, eventually the girl will be confined indoor and essentially be engaged in household work, and only further to the extent of putting her labour in the domestic processing of the agricultural yields on which the vast section the Bangladeshi population is depending economically.

However, severe poverty and unemployment has driven quite a considerable section of the rural women in the unskilled and semi- skilled labour market of Bangladesh, as construction laborers, factory or household workers, and lack of education has deprived them even the opportunity to enter into the skilled or of even better fields in the limited labour market of Bangladesh. Nevertheless, women in the labour market also are facing severe discrimination and exploitation in terms of unequal treatment in considering the wages while compared with her male co-worker.

This situation of discrimination, exploitation and suppression of women as a class cannot be changed up to the spirit of the constitution of Bangladesh, which is the achievement of sacrifice of women too in the war of independence, unless there is an integrated program of the Political Parties, the Government and the NGO's, taken emphatically for the empowerment of the women politically, socially and economically.

The social impediments rest in the low level of awareness of the vast majority. In this respect the role of the Political Parties and the NGO's are important. Although the role of the NGO's engaged in awareness and micro-credit programs involving the rural women had shown some positive results, but the role of the political parties in creating congenial environment for the smooth functioning and advancement of the NGO's in this respect was never adequate, and in some instances had even been in the negative. The NGO's have been reported to be facing hindrances in some areas of the country where misinterpreted religious sanctions propagated by a bunch of half- educated Mullahs have largely affected the propagation of the awareness programs for the women folk undertook by them. In this conflict, the role of the grass root leaders of the democratic progressive political parties have been found in many occasions to be shy and even the members of the major political parties like AL or BNP in the grass root level particularly BNP being leaned towards attracting support of the so-called dubious religious political forces for the vote also took timid or dubious role.

It is strongly felt that, by keeping the system of nomination rather than direct election the expectation of the women to attain their just, proper, dignified, unbiased, independent and unfettered representation will not be ensured, rather the women representative becoming nomination seekers have still to depend greatly on the existing Political Parties and in such a situation obviously as it had been found from experience in the previous occasions that the activity of those nominated MPs mostly became influenced and guided by the partisan agenda of the existing political parties and for whom the agenda for Empowerment of Women had always been a secondary issue.

The Unity of the Women Organizations clearly explained during a meeting held today, 15th January, 2004 at the central Sahid Minar that, the above reason for demanding direct election and for at least 64 reserved seats distributed in the manner to be each one from an area of the existing Police Station, and demanded with this view to strongly consider the issue. The Four Party Alliance under the leadership of Begum Khaleda Zia being a woman herself called upon once again to take steps accordingly without shifting her own position committed during her election campaign in 2001. The demonstration and rally of the women pressed their demand to the Government particularly to the Prime Minister to show Begum Khaleda Zia now her sincere intention to keep her commitment and undertake to move the appropriate legislative amendment to open up the real opportunity to get the true representatives of women seeking empowerment getting directly elected as MP with dignity for a change.

Adding much to the disappointment that the legislation for introducing and enhancing the number women as and where applicable through directly elected reserved seats at the local Government level and the other issue for enhancing the reserved quota for employment in the public services, were not discussed at all, at this point of time.

c.        Women Empowerment and the Ideological Issues:

Although, the advents in mankind of, `God Centric Idealism', `Nature Centric Pragmatism' and `Humanism', have all made great contributions to influence the mindset of the protagonists to undertake reforms or alternative discourses, but never could really free themselves totally from the shackle of status quo with feudalism or other means of exploitation, which captivated Women in the society as commodity of hard labour or commodity of trade for wealth & property, or commodity of sexual abuse. Without undermining the enlightenments and social value of those reforms and discourses, the ontology of the weaknesses impregnated in the inherent contradictions of those Ideals causing failure to overpower feudalism or other means of exploitation, we may still attempt to find within them the right interpretations favoring Women to undertake the social engineering programmes dedicated to the task of the liberation of women from its state of captivation, semi captivation or degraded conditions. But this will definitely lead the society to another form of status quo where Women may find more freedom of opportunity trickled down to them but still remain far away from securing the dignity and rightful partnership in the sphere of the decision or policy making process without having made the appropriate right established irrespective of caste, creed, ethnicity, class and gender in the sphere of economy of the Society and the State, involving appropriate right to access in the process of acquisition of capital, the means of production, marketing and distribution systems in the national, as well into the determination of policy of the state dealing with the formulation of international strategy of economic relations in relation to the modern dimension of globalization.

Therefore, the action programme of `Empowerment of Women', in the truthful nature of its commitments, may find its basis in the ideology and partnership that favour the `Empowerment of the Weak', the forces which strive to secure the rightful partnership of all the components of the society in all of the spheres of socio-political and economic policy making process taking place in administrating the affairs of the state, importantly, having made their position clear on the issue of undertaking the task of securing appropriate right established irrespective of caste, creed, ethnicity, class and gender, particularly in the sphere of economy of the society and the state. Because, this is evident from the societies and states where adult franchise i. e. one-person one vote is already recognized, but this right regarding political decision-making has never been found to be able to be meaningfully exercised irrespective of caste, creed, ethnicity, class and gender without having their appropriate rights in the sphere of economy achieved.

We have been riddled with arguments and counter arguments on the issue of gender equality. In order to address the issue, first we need to define explicitly, what do we understand by the term of `equality'? Indeed `equality' is a concept founded through representation of imaginary numbers in the school of mathematics. Those imaginary equals are used only to state a particular mode of position, in fact a pre-conceived goal, intending to realize it through implementation of various forces of knowledge. We cannot conceive two different things to be equal unless and until we have set a definite unit of measurement to compare it. Newton said, `All actions have equal and opposite reaction'. There may not be any objection to accept it by its literal meaning, if it is intended to mean that, "All actions `tend' to create an equal and opposite reaction". Static equilibrium is a concept relative to matters in motion, when `dynamic equilibrium' is the real state of position where forces of action and reaction tending to equalize, sets matter in motion, and continues to be in motion deriving the energy from the process of fusions, thus bringing about the transformations through time and space, the ever-changing universe we are living in. Therefore, the debate of gender equality, although has its premises in the agenda of the empowerment of the weak, but has no premises in the universal meaning of existence since the difference made in the sexes have made them already different and unequal from each other.

Religious stasis is a problem and this problem not only being confronted by Women but by the society as a whole, although stasis should not have been the problem inflicting Islam, if Islam would not have been interpreted and mastered by aliens but by the true scholars of Islam and their message would have spread across the Globe and across the Peoples undistorted. I bring this issue here for discussion, because much blame has been unleashed on Islam for bringing about the degraded status of Women prevailing in the present day of Islamic societies, although, much more of degraded position of Women may be as well existing in places where Islam does not prevail but other forms of traditions. In fact Islam is the only religion where the issue of role and status of Women in the society have been addressed to secure at all. All the Semitic religions including Islam are theologically perfect in inducing the ideal of denominating equity of humanity irrespective of caste, creed, ethnicity, class and gender. In Islam the practice followed in the congregation along with its custom and rituals in performing annual Hajj, demonstrates through practice the intention of Islam in considering equality before Allah of all the followers of Islam irrespective of caste, creed, ethnicity, class and gender.

While debating on the issue of gender equality, discussion forums have been found to be gravely inflictive putting Islam as religion in respondent position. I find no reason for doing so. The subject of gender equality may however be discussed in the premises of the various `Islamic Schools of Jurisprudence' which were initially introduced during the 8th century by the `Mujtahid-e-Imams'. The intention of those schools were to formulate and document; law, rules, practice, code of conducts, procedures and guidelines for the various institutions of the machinery of state, the society and the individuals embraced Islam or in future should come to embrace Islam having in them the influences of various backgrounds of socio- cultural and political traditions, and in which the society will also have to contain individuals from other disciplines of faith. Therefore, with unique clarity of vision `Mujtahid-e-Imams' of Islam considered to establish the judiciary to function as the sovereign and independent institution in the state with the dynamics of a definite methodology of working based on the principles of, (a) Exegesis of the `Quo'ran', (b) Exegesis of `Sunnah', (c) Qiyas i.e. analogy, (d) Ijtihad i. e. rational opinion, and (d) Ijma i.e. universal consensus of Ulemas through dialogue. The methodology clearly established a process of dynamic relation among the components for the synthesis of knowledge so considered according to the order of precedence set above for the "School of Jurisprudence" to function.

I find with apprehension that, many to interpret and sometimes to negate the meaning have applied Science and necessity of the God-centric-idealism and at times, the religion, the belief systems of humankind as a whole. As I see it, the domains of Science and Religion and their premises of working are very different from each other. In this respect the defensive and at times the pitiful meaningless position taken by the Neu-mod Muslim scholars attempting to interpret Islam as a scientific Religion could not also hold premises because Religion is never Science and Science can never and will never succeed to infringe upon and take the position of metaphysics of Religion founding the basis of ethics and morality of mankind.

I think, we may try to understand that the humanity emphasizes its dual existence, one in the material World through the exercise of the power of Science and the other in the intellectual world curiously intermingled with the belief systems. When Leonardo-da-Vinci made the sketch of the flying machine, he just believed it, but science pursuing the belief brought it into existence in the material world for the benefit of humankind. We may therefore try to realize that, while the Animal Kingdom is victim of nature, the human world qualified, strengthened and driven by the belief systems acquired knowledge from the nature and applied those to upgrade the quality of life dynamically exercising the tools of knowledge acquired through science. Divine injunctions are unequivocal directing humanity to acquire knowledge from the persistent pursuit from within and without one self, to analyze and synthesize those pieces of knowledge to enrich the domain of intelligence incessantly.

The knowledge gathered through study of the animal science may have some useful applications in the field of health and medicine, but application of it in social science involving human beings to depict its nature, cannot give us the real picture to formulate the programmes of the social engineering projects meant towards empowerment of the women, because the science of nature has already given us the knowledge that the laws of nature favors the empowerment of the powerful, the survival of the fittest, and not to the empowerment of the weak. Through the ages of intellectual practices endeavoring unique characteristics derived from the belief systems of religion, doctrines of love and beauty of humanism, through the collective concepts comprising the intellectual properties, mankind arrived in to a position taking the role of the empowerment of the weak, to construct a harmonious and just society living with equity, justice and peace. Hence, in this process of evolution, the ideologies those conceived equity of distribution of power and wealth irrespective of caste, creed, race, class, faith or gender, became the appropriate tools to identify the paradigms of the social engineering projects comprising the empowerment of the weak, in the task of formulating the policy options and strategy for socio- economic development.

Coming back to the agenda, adult franchise in electing people's representatives through votes has been recognized in our society. This right regarding political decision-making is never meaningful or real without appropriate rights in the sphere of economy. If appropriate rights and opportunities are absent regarding resource, employment, education, health, shelter etc., an imbalance in the society is created which puts some curb on the exercise of political rights of the people. If minimum education for all which makes a person conscious about society and economy, and if the weaker forces which comprises vast majority in the World population are not recognized as the important agents in the development programmes by making them able partners in all productive enterprises, organizations, decision and policy making spheres, then the very idea of improving quality of the social life of mankind gets frustrated.

The Society, which is controlled and dominated by patriarchal values, recognizing the legitimacy of male domination over social resources, means of production, land and labour etc., turns gender relation into a scenario of domination and sub-ordination, authority and dependence. Such relation determined based on unfounded, false, artificial values, make women suffer from deprivation, oppression, and exploitation. The society which carries the burden of the deprived, oppressed and exploited mass of in-ordinate proportion, fails to bring about an effective combination of land, water, natural and human resources to establish necessary pre-condition for socio- economic development. That is why, in spite of having huge natural resources, countries in Middle-east, Africa, and some other have not been able to ensure any commendable development, on the other hand, having the least per capita land and natural resources, countries like Holland, Japan, China and South Korea undertaking the strategy of combining the available resources and effectively engaging the overall population, could ensure development.

The objective of empowering women in society is to create consciousness about women's problems related to education, health, employment, legal and environmental issues, so that women can improve their position to secure the respect and recognition of the individual personhood and be able to make positive contribution through active participation in the social transformation and decision-making activity. Since, politics and state policies are closely inter-related, women's participation in politics is crucial. The marginal position of women's participation in politics is an over- all indicator of the over-all sub-ordinated position of women in the World.

In context of formulating the development strategy of Bangladesh, sub- ordination of women accepted in all spheres of society, environment of lack of bold and positive attitude to women's problems have been identified as impediments towards potential opportunities for women to get involved in politics, and possibilities for them to ameliorate their position to influence the decision making position in formulating state policies. Therefore, side by side with other policy options considered to formulate the paradigms of strategy for development, the empowerment of women in particular has been identified as one of the several course of programme of action.

It should be mentioned in this regard that, the constitution of Bangladesh in Article 10, embodies the participation of women in all spheres of national life, and in Article 28(2) recognizes equal right for men and women in all spheres of public and state life. The constitution thus implied the possibility of progress through affirmative action by the state in favour of integrating women in the mainstream of development rather than creating a separate channel for them. Nevertheless, the process of mainstreaming women requires a strong commitment of gender equity supported by careful operational plans to ensure women's participation in all sectors, and reforms of the laws, which infringe women's rights to provide the necessary framework of formal equality within which this process can occur. The emphasis on law as a tool for empowerment of women is made in full realization that law reform cannot in itself solve problems of inequality and discrimination, but still the recommendation and demand in this respect for legislative and law reforms are made in recognition that the law as an institution can critically intervene in sectors such as education, employment, health, and most importantly, personal life. Legislation should be passed to at least ensure formal equality in all these spheres, underpinned by procedural reforms particularly aimed at the administrative and enforcement levels to ensure access to justice and the translation of formal to real equality.

The legislative guarantees provided in the constitution of Bangladesh providing equal rights and nondiscrimination of women are further supported by the ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (UNCEDAW). However, a close analysis of the text of the Constitution of Bangladesh and many democratic countries enacting adult franchise reveals a significant omission: the guarantee of equal rights between men and women does not extend to the private sphere, i.e. to matters concerning the family or inheritance to property. The failure to underwrite paper promises of equality is further revealed by the ratification UNCEDAW made by the Government of Bangladesh having been made subject to reservations regarding the Convention provisions dealing with equal rights, particularly within the family, hence such ratification made with reservations would make those Governments liable, within a specified period, to amend its laws in conformity with the Convention. This sharp disjuncture made between paper promises of equality and the reality of legally justified discrimination on the ground of sex is contradiction to the commitment of democracy.

Women's demand for equality before the law is a demand to be recognized as an individual able to determine her own individual physical existences within society, within the community and within the Family, based on equity and nondiscrimination. Individual rights cannot be subsumed within the rights of any group and community. Stasis religious schools of law which could not see the lights of reforms when reforms were sought to happen within them through the methodology established by themselves within those schools of jurisprudences but perpetuating now the discrimination between sexes continued to be justified on the grounds that they are an essential component of a community's self-identity, and any encroachment on these laws is an attack on the community or religion, cannot be sustained within a society traditionally committed to reasonable and rational exercise of religious values and politically committed through decades of the people's movements and sacrifice of countless martyrs, to undertake democratic process and protection of right of individual's own religious faith. It is, therefore, intended that, women's rights receive prior protection over undefined "community' rights perpetuating imbalance of power between sexes in the private and family life.

In the backdrop of all those social, ideological, political, economic and legal issues, the relevance of undertaking intervention strategy through legislative action to provide reserved seat in the political representative offices based on universal franchise and direct election got its ground in Bangladesh. The socio-economic and political realities dictate the need for special representation of women, but it is necessary to ground such representation on direct contact with grassroots, not on elite contact with party and government. It is therefore necessary to bring about a constitutional amendment of article 65(3) of Bangladesh specifying the number of reserved seats for women and modality of direct election. The area of constituencies under previous provision of 30 nominated reserved seats are too large to serve as direct territorial constituencies, therefore, the number of reserved seats need to be essentially increased from 30 to 64 to correspond with the existing administrative districts.

Keeping it in mind that, empowerment of women through legislative action in Bangladesh or a country facing similar situations is not a goal in itself, but is an instrument to set in motion necessary reforms and discourses for a balanced and harmonious process of participation of women in the affairs of the state indeed to bring about the much needed socio-economic and democratic development of the society, and once the balance in the society is achieved liberating women from the abuses of discriminated gender relation and integrating women in to their rightful position within the mainstream of all the activities of the family, society and the state, the necessity of maintaining reserved seats in the political representative offices and the public service sectors should undergo natural process of elimination.

4. Institutional Arrangement for Women’s Participation:

During the British regime, local government in the union remained an almost exclusive domain of males. Only male could vote in election for rural local bodies until 1956 when for the first time election was held based on universal adult franchise (Alam, 1995:40). Voting power of women was established lawfully. Women never thought of participating in this system. In 1976, the government promulgated the Local Government Ordinance for a three-tier local government system. It was the ever first ordinance regarding the local government system in the history of independent Bangladesh. In this ordinance, the structure of the local government system underwent changes and the provision was made to select two women members in the Union Parishad. For the first time women were considered to be included in the local govt. In 1983, the changes were brought in structure and composition of Union Parishad by promulgating the Local Government (Union Parishad) Ordinance. This ordinance increased the number of nominated women members to three and each of them represented one ward. In 1993, Local Government (Union Parishad) (Amendment) Act was passed in the Parliament to secure the minimum representation of women in local government. The new order omitted the system of nomination and the Parishad created provision for indirect election. Nevertheless, the number of the women member was fixed three as was earlier (Ahmed et al., 2003: 18). The Local Government (Union Parishad) Second Amendment Act, 1997 is a milestone in the history of political empowerment of women in Bangladesh. The government of Bangladesh enacted this law for direct elections to reserve seats for women in local level elections. In this act, the government reserved three seats for women in the Union Parishad where women members were directly elected from each of the three wards. Apart from the reserved seats, women can also contest for any of the general seats (ADB, 2001:15).

The number of women in elective positions of chairperson and members in the Union Parishad was abysmally low and practically infinitesimal. Women’s representation in all the elections held before and after 1997 may be observed in the following table.

Table-1

Women’s Participation in Union Parishad Elections (1973-2003)

Elections’ Year	Chairman	Member	Chairman	Member
1st 1973	1	-	-	-
2nd 1977	19	19	4	7
3rd 1984	-	-	6	-
4th 1988	79	863	1	-
5th 1992	115	1135	8	20
6th 1997	102	43969/456*	20+3	12882/110*
7th 2003	232	43764/617*	22	12684/79*

(Elections Year Women Candidates Elected Chairmen and Members)

XIII. Recommendation:

In this paper, essentially, women’s marginalization is heavily drawn from their multilayered deprivation and discrimination by the nation state, community as well as household that are strongly articulated by Robert Chamber’s poverty theory. Moreover, gendered discourses, social norms, belief system and behavioral practices in the context of socio-cultural aspects are also prevalent in the above-mentioned institutions. Therefore, nation state as a unit of international system is carrying out the gender insensitive policy and regulations in the name of equity and justice between men and women. Conceptually, the paper is narratively discussed and tried to examine the gendering process of nation state from the colonial period. Women’s body and purity become a symbol of nationalism and elements of cultural politics. Women are trapped into construction of the imagination of gentle middle class women and patriarchal construct of public and private sphere. The Constitution of Bangladesh declares equal rights of men and women in several articles. However, the notion of ‘our women’ and the patriarchal ideology is real in the context of rehabilitation programme of war babies, social stigma of raped women in 1971, creation of ethnic minorities in contrast to Bengali identity, and the reservation on CEDAW articles. Women are considered the bearer of nationalist identity and religion dominates as an element of nationalism.

Secondly, women’s political participation is an important pathway of empowerment. However, the concept of public/private divide and historic exclusion of women limit their entrance into political process. In addition to that, patriarchal nature of politics, socio-cultural mechanism of sex segregation, Pardah (veil), improper system of Quota and unwillingness of political parties for enhancing the capacity of female politicians are constraining factors. Although women’s number is increasing in the exercise of voting rights, women local government members or parliament members and ministers cannot take effective steps for the development of women.

Thirdly, traditional development paradigm focuses on human capacity and ability to choose between options and the freedom to have these options without concerning the existing inequalities between men and women. Women’s insecurity increases due to the development initiatives if they came from the minority groups and have different ethnic identity than the mainstream community. Therefore, development is unidirectional for men and women, and majority and minority groups. Although women’s involvement in the RMG sector provides a certain extent of empowerment, psychological and physical insecurities are significant threats to female garment workers. 

Bangladesh’s Constitution has provided legal scope for the government to enact national women’s advancement including National Policy for the Advancement of Women in 1997 and The National Women Development Policy in 2008. Separate allocation has been made for the advancement of women in the fiscal year 2009-10. Women in Development (WID) focal points were established in ministries, directorates, departments and agencies in 1992 and these have been extended up to district and thana levels. The government has reserved some positions and portions of posts for women as quota. However, the paper argues that women continue to remain marginalized and their rights violated. Right from the childhood a girl child is socialized into the context of a subordinate position to men in society as the very existence of patriarchal values privilege men.

State declares the equality of men and women in all spheres of life but has curtailed it through the personal law and family laws. In fact, it is the home where discrimination starts, power relations and roles are played out within the private, supposedly the domain of women. The nature of marriage and divorce laws, inheritance law and the guardianship of children in terms of separation or death of one parent is male biased.

It is also observed that even citizenship, as fundamental rights are discriminatory for women and men. Man is the head of the household and family is considered a basic unit of the state where a child is thereby exposed to the power politics of gender at a very early age and is socialized into the notion of a male being the dominant figure or head.

Even with the Marriage and Divorce Registration Act 1974, Suppression of Violence against Women and Children Act 2000 and the signing of CEDAW, women’s positions have not changed in a substantial way. The justice procedure, nature and improper implementation of existing laws are also not favorable to women. The masculine foundation of legal norms is a discriminatory experience for women.

Due to the globalization and development, many women are coming out from the private spheres and they have always to negotiate their spaces and roles in the private as well public realm. Women’s contribution to development and GDP remains unrecognized in the national statistics.

Against the backdrop of these disappointing facts, the establishment of the Department of Women and Gender Studies at the University of Dhaka is an illuminating initiative in the process of knowledge production.

Finally, it can be concluded that politics is the realm where women’s rights can be realized and transformed into practices. The systematic exclusion of women, accelerated by religious explanation and cultural norms, should be deconstructed in a gender sensitive approach by the nation state.

Conclusions

Despite the fact that women’s development has been accorded priority by different governments in the consecutive Five-Year Plans of Bangladesh, women continue to be disadvantaged, deprived, neglected, and face discrimination even after thirty years of independence. The society is male-dominated while women are poverty-stricken and continue to be victims of domestic violence and abandonment. In spite of constitutional guarantees, women have not enjoyed the same equal rights as men as accorded to them. Women remain considerably under-represented at both the local and national level of politics. There is now a consensus among women’s organizations and groups and those concerned over the need to increase the number of seats reserved for women as well as to hold direct elections for those seats. The major parties such as the BNP and the AL made this promise in their election manifesto. Despite the fact that top leaders of the two major political parties (BNP and AL) are women leaders, politics in Bangladesh continue to remain a male monopoly. At the onset of the new millennium, the percentage of female representation at both the local and national level has remained low compared to global standards.

In sum, this study suggests that in order to give Bangladeshi women a place in the decision-making process, there is a need to increase the number of women holding political office at both the local and national level. However, any substantial increase in women’s representation in public life depends on the mainstream changes within the major political parties; the strong support and campaigning by women’s groups, NGOs, and the media; the removal of structural impediments, traditional mindsets, biases and attitudes based on gender roles, and access to financial resources. The religion-based parties are opposed to women in public office. It is likely that in the national parliament of Bangladesh as well as in the local level politics, women’s representation will remain insignificant in the near future despite their enthusiasm to provide political leadership.

The main contention behind people’s participation in development is that real development must be people-centered. Jazairy (1989) notes that projects conceived and implemented by outside organizations have failed because adequate consideration has not given to the importance of local participation. So project beneficiaries or the community people should be included in all phases of development projects – from the process of needs assessment for the design and development of a project, through project implementation to project monitoring and evaluation. Several decades of development initiatives of Bangladesh have shown that without meaningful participation of the local people in the development process, sustainable improvement in the standard of living of the people cannot be achieved. In view of the findings of the study, some recommendations are proposed to make the development process in this country more people-oriented:

􀂙 The poor and the disadvantaged, characterized by social, economic and political backwardness, are traditionally and culturally neglected in planning and implementation of development projects. Some structural changes can bring awareness and power among the marginalized groups breaking the traditional patterns. However, desired outcomes may not come overnight. In this context, local NGOs working with the marginalized section in the rural areas need to be included in the local development process through public opinion mobilization, design and planning process. This may gradually help to institutionalize the participatory practices in the development process.

􀂙 Technical skills regarding project design, pre-assessment of projects of UPs need to be increased. Effective measures should be taken to build capacity of the UPs so that they can undertake and carry out local development activities independently.

􀂙 UPs should be conferred with meaningful autonomy. Interference from any quarter i.e. from local MP, UZ level political leader, MP nominated political persons or local touts must be stopped. At the same time, UPs should be kept outside the complex bureaucratic procedure as far as possible. Therefore, necessary reforms of the legal framework should be made.

􀂙 The elected representatives at UP level are mostly unaware about the benefits of participatory development approach. Lack of knowledge in this regard on their part may have contributed to their misunderstanding and misconception. Launching training programs or workshops may help change the mindset of the elected representatives regarding participatory practices in development interventions.

􀂙 Now-a-days funds are distributed in favour of UPs under LGSP and direct funding program from Local Government Division. The UPs now being the fund management authority have been more responsible and committed to the local people. As part of that commitment, project information, amount of disbursement, name of the members of PICs are displayed in the notice board of UPs. Public meeting are arranged by the UP for project selection and members of PICs are finalized based on public choice. Considering the outcomes of this practice, the government should initiate the process of disbursing funds of various development projects directly to the UPs.

􀂙 Participatory budgeting needs to be introduced in UP with a view to integrating community people in the development project cycle. In this context, representatives from different social groups should be trained so that they can articulate their demands properly and make meaningful contributions to local development planning.

􀂙 Stakeholder analysis should be done before taking any project. In addition, participation of key stakeholders in development planning must be ensured in order to make development projects sustainable and viable. NGOs could be mobilized to help UP in such initiatives.

􀂙 Evaluation of each project should be done on regular basis so that loopholes can be identified and mistakes are not repeated. In evaluating the projects, opinions and perceptions of the key beneficiaries should be sought. In this regard, performance audits of UPs can also be done. DDLG should undertake sample based intensive evaluation of the UP level development projects.

􀂙 “Citizen based Monitoring Team” can be introduced to promote and to ensure participatory development practices at the union level. In line with this view, a committee may be formed in each UP comprising of civil society members, local media, schoolteachers and socially enlightened persons, which would work as a watchdog and recommend measures to improve participation level. The committee would not directly interfere in the activities of UPs, but ensure that development projects are taken on participatory basis. The committee would also make sure that key stakeholders have been consulted before taking up any projects and have been included in the implementation process.

XIV. Conclusion

Women have acquired a legitimate space in rural political institutions that can raise their marginalized position, though they are still a minority. Merely having women on councils does not automatically mean that the interests of women in the community are represented. Without women’s needs and interests being taken into account, without opportunity for them to participate in and influence decision-making, development interventions and planning sustainable results will not come. Yet, having women in these leadership positions is an important step in changing the male-dominated political agenda. At least they have the opportunity to attend the meetings, interact with officials and take part in important discussions. It also ensures their mobility across the social hierarchy. The 33% quota for women is indeed an important impetus to women’s empowerment in rural Bangladesh. It becomes obvious that the process will take a long time and the quota alone will not secure goal of women’s empowerment. In order to support and accelerate the process one has to employ additional strategies, which promote the self-reliance of women (economically as well as socially), build women’s capacities and remove structural obstacles. Empowerment is a useful concept because it emphasizes the idea of women as active agents in, rather than passively recipients of development strategies. Therefore, participation is considered as an essentially first step in order to empower women. Finally, it can be said that provision of inclusion of directly elected women members have created a new avenue to participate in the decision-making process in the only democratic institution at the grass-roots level.

Annex-1:

Table-1: Women Candidates for the Post of Chair in Union Parishad Election in Bangladesh from 1973-2003

Years of election	No. of Union Parishad	Total no. of candidates contesting for the post of chair	Total no. of women candidates contesting for the post of chair	% of women candidates contesting for the post of chair	Elected women chairs	% of elected women chairs
1973	4352	-	-	-	1	-
1977	4352	-	-	-	4	-
1984	4400	-	-	-	6	-
1988	4401	18566	79	.43	1	1.26
1992-93	4451	17444	115	.66	24	20.87
1997	4479	-	102	-	23	22.54
2003	4223	21376	232	1.09	22	9.8

Annex: 2

					Table-2: Distribution of age according to Division
Age Group in Year	Dhaka			Chittagong		Sylhet		Khulna		Barisal		Rajshahi		Total
	No	%		No	%	No	%	No	%	No	%	No	%	No	%
21-25	3	8.57		2	6.90	2	14.29	5	26.32	4	18.18	6	20.00	22	14.77
26-30	11	31.43		17	58.62	8	57.14	8	42.11	11	50.00	15	50.00	70	46.98
31-35	12	34.29		4	13.79	1	7.14	3	15.79	3	13.64	5	16.67	28	18.79
36-40	7	20.00		5	17.24	3	21.43	2	10.53	2	9.09	3	10.00	22	14.77
40 & above	2	5.71		1	3.45	0	0.00	1	5.26	2	9.09	1	3.33	7	4.70
Total	35	100.00		29	100.00	14	100.00	19	100.00	22	100.00	30	100.00	149	100.00

Annex: 3

Table-3: Distribution of Education Level according to Division
Level of Education	Dhaka		Chittagong		Sylhet		Khulna		Barisal		Rajshahi		Total
	No	%	No	%	No	%	No	%	No	%	No	%	No	%
Cannot Read & Write	0	0.00	0	0.00	0	0.00	0	0.00	0	0.00	0	0.00	0	0.00
Can Read & Write	0	0.00	2	6.90	0	0.00	0	0.00	0	0.00	0	0.00	2	1.34
Upto Class V	5	14.29	5	17.24	5	35.71	6	31.58	8	36.36	8	26.67	37	24.83
Class IX-X	18	51.43	8	27.59	6	42.86	3	15.79	7	31.82	12	40.00	54	36.24
SSC	6	17.14	10	34.48	3	21.43	8	42.11	4	18.18	5	16.67	36	24.16
HSC	5	14.29	2	6.90	0	0.00	1	5.26	2	9.09	3	10.00	13	8.72
Graduate & above	1	2.86	2	6.90	0	0.00	1	5.26	1	4.55	2	6.67	7	4.70
Total	35	100.00	29	100.00	14	100.00	19	100.00	22	100.00	30	100.00	149	100.00

Annex: 4

 Questionnaire

Participation of women in Local Government

(For Women Member)

Questionnaire – ‘A’

Personal Information

Name----------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------------

Sex-------------------------------- Age/ Date of Birth:-------------------------------------------------

Address----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Socio-economic Status

1. Occupation

□ Agriculture             □Business Service     □Labor          □Teaching     □Others

2. Educational Status

□Illiterate                  □Primary School       □Secondary School   □S.S.C.          □H.S.C.                     □Degree and above

3. Income Level (in Taka)

□Below 2000 Taka    □2001 - 4000 Taka    □4001 - 8000 Taka

□8001 - 10000 Taka □Above 10000 Taka

General Idea about Union Parishad

4. Do you know anything about the functions/TOR of the Standing Committee of UP?

□Yes              □No

5. Did you ever participate in the Committee meeting?

□Yes              □No

6. If the answer is ‘Yes’, did you participate in the discussion?

□Yes              □No

7. If the answer is ‘Yes’, were your opinions considered properly?

□Yes              □No

Knowledge about Institutional and Regulatory Framework

8. Do you think the existing Laws/Rules of Union Parishad are conducive to the participation of local people in development projects/development activities?

□Yes              □No

9. If the answer is ‘No’, please rank how far the structure of UP conducive to local people’s participation in development projects/development activities?

Not conducive                                                 Moderate                                 Highly conducive

□1                  □2                  □3                  □4                  □5

10. Do you think the existing Union Parishad Structure is conducive to the participation of local people in development projects/development activities?

□Yes              □No

11. If the answer is ‘No’, please rank how far the structure of UP conducive to local people’s participation in development projects/development activities?

Not conducive                                                Moderate                                 Highly conducive

□1                  □2                  □3                  □4                  □5

Idea about Participation in Planning and Implementation of Local Government

12. Did you participate in planning of any development project in your locality?

□Yes              □No

13. Did you participate in implementation of any development project in your locality?

□Yes              □No

14. If the answer is ‘Yes’ in respect of 12+13, were your opinions considered properly?

□Yes              □No

15. Do you think that the development projects undertaken in your locality have been implemented through participation of all?

□Yes              □No

16. How do you rank the level of participation of community people at UP-led development project?

Lowest                                    Medium                                   Highest

□1                  □2                  □3                  □4                  □5

17. Did you have any discussion with UP Chairman about any side of development projects?

□Yes              □No

Political Intervention on Planning and Implementation of Local Government (UP)

18. Have you seen any political pressure in undertaking any project in your locality?

□Yes              □No

19. If the answer is ‘Yes’, please rank the level of political intervention into the development projects undertaken in your locality?

Lowest                                               Medium                                   Highest

□1                  □2                  □3                  □4                  □5

20. Is there any influence from political party/party members for inclusion in Project implementation Committee (PIC) in your locality?

□Yes              □No

21. If the answer is ‘Yes’, please rank the level of political intervention into the inclusion in Project Implementation Committee (PIC) in your locality?

Lowest                                               Medium                                   Highest

□1                  □2                  □3                  □4                  □5

Cultural Influence on Participation in Local Government

22. Did you ever reject any request or proposal made by UP chairman/members to be involved in project implementation activities or included in PIC?

□Yes              □No

23. If the answer is ‘Yes’, how far do you assess your state of mind behind such contention?

Highly unwilling less willing Very satisfied

1 2 3 4 5

24. Did you consult/ seek suggestion from any local elite/leader before participating in any project planning/implementation activities/ being involved in PIC?

□Yes              □No

Thank you once again for you kind cooperation by using your important time.
Bibliography:

 

Ahmed, Shafi and Nabi, Bela (2001), One Decade of Bangladesh under Women Leadership. Alochana Magazine, www.magazinealochana.org , retrieved on 24.12.04.

Ahmed, Tofail et. al. (2003), Gender Dimensions in Local Government Institutions, Dhaka: Nari Uddug Kendra.

Alam, Bilquis Ara (1995), “Women in Local Government: Profiles of Six Chairmen of Union Parishads” in Women in Politics and Bureaucracy, Dhaka:Women for Women, pp: 39-50.

Ali, A. M.M. Shawkat (1986), Politics, Development and Upazilla. Dhaka: National Institute of Local Government.

Amin & Shelina (2005): Women Participation in Local Government and Social Integration in Rural Bangladesh, Network of Asia-Pacific Schools and Institutes of Public Administration and Governance (NAPSIPAG) Annual Conference 2005, Beijing, PRC, 5-7 December 2005

Anju Malhotra, Jennifer Schulte, Payal Patel & Patti Petesch (2009): Innovation for Women’s empowerment and Gender Equality, International Center for Research on Women (ICRW), Washington, D.C. 2009

Asian Development Bank (ADB)[ 2001], Country Briefing Paper on Women in Bangladesh. Program Department (West), Division 2, ADB.

Background Note: Bangladesh, Sources: http://www.state.gov/p/sca/ci/bg/, Date: 10 October 2011

Bangladesh Report (2002): State of Women in urban Local Government Bangladesh, Bangladesh report.doc 11/02/02, Brief Description of The Country

Batliwala,Srilata (1993), Defining Women’s Empowerment: A Conceptual Framework, www.genderatwork.org/updir/Batliwala-empowermentframework. htm, retrieved on 10.05.05.,

Chowdhury, Farah Deeba. (1994) “Politics and Women’s Development: Opinion of Women MPs of the Fifth Parliament in Bangladesh” Empowerment. Vol. 1, 1994.

Chowdhury, Najma. (1994c). “Bangladesh: Gender Issues and Politics in a Patriarchy”.

Chowdhury, Najma.(1994a). “Women in Politics” Empowerment. Vol. 1, 1994.

Chowhdury, Najma el. al. (1994b) Women and Politics. Dhaka: Women for Women.

Fiona Mirza (2007): FINAL REPORT: Bangladesh: Country Gender Profile, December 2007, JICA Bangladesh, December 2007.

Fourth World Conference on Women (FWCW) Platform For Action (1995). Women in Power and Decision –Making, www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/platform/decision/htm, retrieved on 13.06.05.

GOB. (2002) “Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives, Local Government Division, Projai Section”, Office Order No Projai- 3/micellanaous/2001/801, dated 10th September 2002, (Dhaka: Bangladesh Secretariat).

GOB. (2003) “The Village Sarker Act of 2003, Law No. 6 of 27th February”, 2003, Extraordinary Number, Registered No. DA-1, (Dhaka: Bangladesh Parliament).

Government of Bangladesh (1990), The Local Government (UPs) Ordinance,1983 (Ordinance No. L I of 1983). Modified up to 31st December 1990. Dhaka: Ministry of Law, Justice and parliamentary Affairs.

Government of Bangladesh (GOB)[1993], The Constitution of the Peoples’ Republic of Bangladesh (Amended till October,1991), Dhaka: Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs. September.

Government of West Bengal (1936) “Bengal Legislative Department Bengal Act III of 1923 and Calcutta Municipal Act 1923” (as modified up to the 15th May, 1936), (Alipore: Bengal Government Press).

Griffin, Vanessa (ed.) (1987), Women, Development and Empowerment: A Pacific Feminist Perspective, Kualalampur, Asia and Pacific Development Centre.

Hossain, Hameeda. 1999. “Women in Politics” quoted in Mohiuddin Ahmed (ed)(1999), Bangladesh Toward 21st Century, ( Dhaka: Community Development Library).

http://www.indexmundi.com/world/demographics_profile.html 22 November 2011 at 12.10 pm local time.

http://www.prb.org/pdf08/08WPDS_Eng.pdf  (World Population Data Sheet 2008), 22 November 2011 at 12 pm local time.

Human Development Report (1993), United Nations Development Programs. New York: UNDP.

IDRC (2003): International Development Research Centre, A decade of women’s empowerment through local government in India, workshop report, October 20 –21, 2003, New Delhi

Islam,Md. Sadequl (2000), “Political Empowerment of Women in Bangladesh in World Perspective: An Analysis” in Rajshahi University Studies, Part C, Vol.8, Rajshahi University. pp. 95-136.

Jahan, Momtaz (1997). “The Changing Structure of Local Government in Bangladesh: An Overview” in Administration, Communication and Society, Vol. 1, No. 1, January- June, Dhaka: Shiskha O Shanskriti Charcha

Kendra.pp.91-105.

Khan and Fardaus (2006): Women, participation and empowerment in local government: bangladesh Union Parishad perspective, Asian Affairs, Vol. 29, No. 1 :73-00, January-March, 2006

Khan, Niaz Ahmed (1993). “Towards an Understanding of ‘Participatiuon’; The Conceptual Labyrinth Revisited” in Administrative Change, Vol.XX, Nos.1-2: July 1992-June, pp.106-120.

Linda Hultberg (2008):  Women Empowerment in Bangladesh: A Study of the Village Pay Phone Program, C-Thesis 15 HP Media and Communication Studies Spring Term 2008,  School of Education and Communication (HLK), Jönköping University

Mayra Buvinic (1998):  Women in Poverty: A New Global Underclass, Washington, D.C. July 1998—

Misra, S.N. (1984), Participation and Development, India: NBO Publishers.

Muttalib, M. A. and Khan, Mohd. Akbar Ali (1983), Theory of Local Government, New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Private Limited.

Nelson, Barbara J. and Chowdhury, Najma (ed.). 1994. Women and Politics Worldwide. London: Yale University Press.

Norris, P (2000): Breaking the Barriers: Positive Discrimination Policies for Women, Chapter 10: Liberalism Failed Women? Parity, Quotas and Political Representation. Eds. Jyette Klausen and Charles S. Maier. NY: St Martin’s, Press, 2000.

Oxaal, Zoe and Baden, Sally (1997), Gender and Empowerment: Definitions, Aproaches and Implications for Policy, Bridge (development-gender). University of Sussex: Institute of Development Studies. UK.

Qadir, Sayeda Rowshan (1995) “Women in Politics and Local Bodies in Bangladesh” in Women in Politics and Bureaucracy. Dhaka: Women for Women, pp. 27-38.

Quadir, Sayeda Rowshan and Islam, Mahamuda. 1987. Women Representative at the Union Level As Change Agent of Development, (Dhaka:Women for Women).

Quddus, Md. Abdul et. al. 2001. “Participation of Women in Local Government Institution”, BARD: Comilla.

Rahman and Roy (): Participation of Women in Rural Local Government: A Socio-Economic Analysis, Mizanur Rahman, Mihir Kumar Roy

Rahman, M & Roy, M.K (2002) “Ensuring Good Governance in Public Sector Management: Bangladesh Perspectives”, A Paper Presented in the XIV Biennial Conference, State and Market : The Bangladesh Perspective, BEA, 18-20 Sept. Dhaka.

Rahman, M & Roy, M.K (2004) “Comprehensive Village Development Programme: An Institutional Analysis”, BARD, Comilla.

Rahman, M. Shamsur (1991), People’s Participation at the Upazilla Level: Problems and Prospects (A Study of Twelve Upazillas in Bangladesh), Rajshahi University.

Roy, M.K. & Malek, M.A. (2002), “Human Development Through Building Social Capital in Rlural Areas”, A Paper Presented in the XIV Biennial Conference, State and Market : The Bangladesh Perspective, BEA, 18-20 Sept. Dhaka.

Roy, M.K. (2003) “The CVDP Model: A Means to Improve Rural Livelihood”, Observer Magazine, The Bangladesh Observer, Dhaka.

Roy, M.K. (2004) “The Link Model: AMeans to Improve Rural Livelihood”, Life, Science and Environment Page, The Bangladesh Observer, Dhaka.

Roy, M.K. (2004) “The SFDP Model: A Means to Improve Rural Livelihood”, Life, Science and Environment Page, The Bangladesh Observer, Dhaka.

Roy, M.K. (2004) “Village Amua: Cross Cultural Community in Bangladesh”, Life, Science and Environment Page, The Bangladesh Observer, Dhaka.

Roy, M.K. et al. (2003) “Moheshpur : The Voices of the Poor on Social System and Development”, BARD, Comilla.

Roy, M.K. et al. (2003) “Rural Development : Crisis in Social Capital”, Observer Magazine, The Bangladesh Observer, Dhaka. 594 Bangladesh Journal of Political Economy Vol. 22, No. 1 & 2

Sajjad Zohir (NF): NGO Sector in Bangladesh: An Overview

Shirin M. Rai (NF): Case Study: South Asia Reserved Seats in South Asia: A Regional Perspective

Siddiqui, Kamal (1994), Local Government in Bangladesh. Dhaka: University Press Limited.

The Hunger Project, India (2000) “Women in Panchayat Raj: Change Agents for a New Future for India”, India.

UNDP, GWA (2006): Resource Guide Mainstreaming Gender in Water Management, UNDP, GWA

UNESCAP (2003), Country Reports on Local government Systems: Bangladesh, United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and Pacific.

UNIFEM (2009): Local development and women’s empowerment: Generating Guidance and Learning Agenda to Inform Policy and Practice, UNIFEM, Rome, Italy, June 8-10th, 2009

Wikimedia (2005). 22nd July .http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/women,Retrieved on 24.07.2005.

Women’s and Empowerment, Care India,

Word Bank (2011): World development Report-2012: Gender Equality and Development, Word Bank, Washington DC, 2011 (Internet: www.worldbank.org)

World Food Programme (1998) “Elected Women Members of Union Parishad: A Socio-Economic Study”, Dhaka: WFP-Bangladesh.

WWICS (2008): Strategies for Promoting Gender Equity in Developing Countries: Lessons, Challenges, and Opportunities, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, One Woodrow Wilson Plaza,1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Washington (www.wilsoncenter.org), 2008.

www.unescap.org/huset/lgstudy/new-countrypaper/BD/BD.pdf Retrieved on 05.01.05.

THE END